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Wednesday, 18 February 2015

Former Governor of Ogun State, Gbenga Daniel Commiserates With Bayelsa Government

The immediate past Governor of Ogun State, Otunba Gbenga Daniel has commiserated with the government and good people of Bayelsa State on the death of women politicians who lost their lives in a motor accident that occurred on Saturday.

The was contained in a condolence statement signed by Ayo Gina, the Media Officer to Otunba Gbenga Daniel

Otunba Daniel, in his condolence message expressed deep shock and heart-felt sadness on the unfortunate incident. He described the deceased as true heroines of democracy who laid down their lives while on duty for their State and by extension, the nation.

He then prayed that God Almighty grant the deceased eternal rest and their families the fortitude to bear the irreparable loss.

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Terrorists Incur Heavy Casualty In Two Days Of Nigerian Military Operations To Clear 11 Communities

Mopping up operation of some of the communities where terrorists have been cleared in the course of ongoing air and land operations against terrorists has indicated massive casualty inflicted on them within the last two days of the counter terrorists operations.

Over 300 terrorists were killed while a few were also captured. Several weapons and equipment were also captured and some destroyed.

It has been confirmed that 5 different types of armoured fighting vehicles, an anti-aircraft gun, about 50 cases of packed bombs and 8 different types of Machine Guns, 5 Rocket Propelled Grenade, 49 boxes of various types and calibres of ammunition as well as 300 motorcycles destroyed in the fighting.

A total of 6 Hilux vehicles including those mounted with anti-aircraft guns were also destroyed. However, 2 soldiers lost their lives while 10 others were wounded in the course of the operation.

The cordon and search operations is continuing along with aggressive patrols by troops who are now dominating the cleared communities such as Monguno, Gabchari, Abba Jabari, Zuntur, Gajigana, Gajiram, Damakar, Kumaliwa, Bosso Wanti, Jeram and Kabrisungul.

The various phases of the highly coordinated air and land operations is also ongoing in the designated theaters being handled by contingents involved in the renewed counter terrorism campaign in and outside Nigeria.

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CHRIS OLUKOLADE
Major General
Director Defence Information
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"The 2015 Election Will Not Be Held Even If We Are Dead," Says Shekau, As Boko Haram Vows To Stop Polls

Boko Haram leader Abubakar Shekau vowed to disrupt Nigeria's upcoming general elections in a new video released Tuesday, after two suicide attacks in the northeast blamed on the Islamists killed 38 people.

"This election will not be held even if we are dead. Even if we are not alive Allah will never allow you to do it," Shekau said in the Hausa language, presumably referring to the polls scheduled for March 28.

The video appeared to be the first message released by the group on Twitter, a sign of its changing media tactics after previous messages were distributed to journalists on DVD.

PUNCH reports that Shekau was shown in unusual clarity in front of a solid blue background, dressed in black and with an automatic weapon resting to his right.
Nigeria's general election had been scheduled for February 14 but was postponed by six weeks, with the security services saying they needed more time to contain the violence in the northeast, Boko Haram's stronghold.

Despite Shekau's threat, experts doubt that the Islamist rebels have the capacity to disrupt voting nationwide, although election officials have conceded that voting could prove impossible in parts of the northeast, especially by March 28, the new election day.

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Source: PUNCH
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Jonathan Cannot Suspend Or Sack Jega, Writes Soyombo Opeyemi

We must never permit a situation of having to lock the stable door after the horse had bolted. The constitution is clear and unambiguous: the process of removal of the Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission, according to Section 157 of the 1999 Constitution, starts from the Senate and ends with the President.

Reacting to the purported dismissal of Maurice Iwu by President Goodluck Jonathan in the Daily Independent in 2010 under the title, The collapse of the Rule of Law in Nigeria, I said inter alia:

"Readers of this column would have observed my obsession with issues relating to the rule of law. My pen has never failed to spare any infraction of what I regard as the canon of civilisation, however marginal or minute is the breach. It is my firm belief that relations in any human concourse must be guided by a code, the breach of which must attract a penalty. This is what distinguishes a political community from the community of beasts. Indeed, the stage of development of any nation is a function of the degree of compliance with the rule of law. Show me a civilised and developed nation and I will show you a nation that worships at the temple of the rule of law.

"Recently, the newspapers were awash with the news of the Acting President, Goodluck Jonathan, directing the Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission, Prof. Maurice Iwu, to proceed on a "pre-disengagement leave with immediate effect." This, of course, generated considerable hoopla in the polity with many Nigerians, including those who should know better, commending the Acting President for sacking Iwu. First, Iwu was never sacked; the (Acting) President has no such power to sack Iwu; he can only do so with the authority of the Senate. Second, Iwu is entitled to his (annual) leave; asking him to proceed on his leave "with immediate effect" does not and cannot amount to a sack or dismissal. As a matter of fact, Maurice Iwu is still the substantive chairman of INEC because no one can replace him until his tenure expires on June 13, except he is removed constitutionally; he can even be recalled from his leave to attend to matters that are considered important. Therefore, I detest the attempt by Goodluck Jonathan to score a cheap political point by making a huge show of a simple administrative matter on the need for Iwu to proceed on his terminal leave. It was an attempt to create the impression that he actually sacked Iwu, and consequently secure a political mileage out of the action. The Independent National Electoral Commission, Code of Conduct Bureau, Federal Character Commission, Federal Civil Service Commission, National Population Commission, Police Service Commission, Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission, among others, are autonomous federal executive bodies created by Section 153 of the 1999 Constitution. Will it, for instance, be part of due process for the (Acting) President to issue a public statement anytime any chairman of any of these bodies is to proceed on (a pre-disengagement) leave? If Maurice Iwu preferred to continue to work without leave and his administrative employer thought otherwise, I suppose a memo to that effect should suffice… The problem, however, is that we do not know the content of the letter of appointment of Maurice Iwu. Even at that, the chairmen of these bodies (those I listed above) do not hold their offices at the pleasure of the President. It will be interesting, for instance, for the President to direct the Chairman of the National Judicial Council to proceed on a pre-disengagement leave ("with immediate effect)!"

The impression conveyed to the public by President Jonathan during the Wednesday, February 11, 2015 Presidential Media Chat was that he could hire and fire the chairman of INEC at any time. No sir. Such power does not reside in the Presidency.

Even if INEC Chairman were to commit a criminal offence today, such as murder, he can be arrested by the police and prosecuted, since he enjoys no immunity, but the President has no constitutional power to either constructively remove him through suspension or dismiss him outright on account of that criminal act. Indeed, I find it ludicrous when some lawmakers claim they can suspend the Speaker of a House of Assembly.

The fact is, there is no such provision for the suspension of a Speaker. Suspension and removal amount to the same thing, in that he will not function in the said office during the period of suspension. No such is ever envisaged by the framers of the constitution. If he has committed any gross misconduct, he can be removed by two-thirds majority of the ENTIRE House. I am aware of the Public Service Rules, the House Rules, etc., but these are subordinate to the constitution.

The power of the President to appoint or dismiss the Chairman of INEC, NJC, NPC, etc. is not only limited but circumscribed by the fact that he shall consult the Council of State for appointment and obtain confirmation of the Senate, and in the case of removal secure, first, the concurrence of at least two-thirds majority of the Senate. The language employed by the constitution is that the process of removal should commence from the Senate – unlike the process of appointment which should begin from the President.

Therefore, the President should be well-guided and not act in ignorance or defiance of the provisions of the constitution.
Buoyed by his getting away with constructive removal of the immediate past Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Mallam Lamido Sanusi, from office through suspension, the President erroneously believes that he can do the same for powerful federal executive bodies clearly listed in Section 153 of the 1999 Constitution. No sir; that's a no-go-area.

But then impunity begets impunity. Under what constitutional power did the President remove Chief Festus Odumegwu, the then Chairman of the National Population Commission? Did the process commence from the Upper House? Did the Senate debate, let alone vote on his removal? But we all kept quiet then; so, why not attempt other infractions if you could get away with one act of impunity? But it is time to say thus far and no further to the President. Acting against the constitution is tantamount to treason.

We must warn against a situation where the President will attempt to unconstitutionally dismiss the chairmen of INEC, NPC, NJC, etc. and then ask anyone that is not satisfied to go to court. That will amount to high treason. The constitution is clear: the process of removal of the chairman of INEC, according to Section 157, starts from the Senate and ends with the President. The purpose of Section 157 is to insulate the all-important bodies like INEC, CCB, NPC, RMAFC, etc. from the vagaries of politics and political interference from the President. The polity should no longer permit any act of impunity that may bring down the edifice of this nation.

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Opeyemi Soyombo, a journalist, sent this piece from Abeokuta, via densityshow@yahoo.com

Opinions expressed above are solely those of the author.
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Is It Not Misplaced Optimism To Expect Boko Haram To Be Defeated In Six Weeks? By Ikeogu Oke

Following the postponement of the 2015 elections, now scheduled to commence on March 28, rather than February 14, 2015, questions have arisen as to the possibility of the Nigerian Army and its allies from the neighbouring countries of Chad, Cameroon and Niger defeating Boko Haram in six weeks.

This Day columnist, Olusegun Adeniyi, hinted at this reservation in "2015 Election: Jonathan's Risky Call," his article of February 13, 2015, by noting that the Nigerian Army has fought Boko Haram for several years with "mixed results." Sonala Olumhense was more direct in his negative assessment of the possibility of defeating the group and its violent insurgency in the stipulated time. "The prospects are poor," he declared in his article entitled, "Rejoice, Nigeria! A Six-Week War!!" – published on page 53 of The Guardian of February 15, 2015. And this poor rating is the result of his recognition of Boko Haram as "the ruthless enemy Nigeria has fought, and lost to, for six years."

Such misgivings, expressed by such high-profile public affairs analysts, reinforce a question that seems to be on the mind of many, which may be framed thus: Can the Nigerian Army defeat the insurgents in six weeks, even as part of a reinforced joint military task force comprising troops from the said neighbouring countries?

For purposes of contextualisation, it should be recalled that six weeks is the period by which the elections were postponed. Also, that the need to root out the insurgency so as to ensure peaceful and credible polls in the affected Nigerian states of Borno, Yobe and Adamawa, was the reason the relevant authorities gave for the postponement.

So, the question, put differently, would be: Is it not misplaced optimism to expect Boko Haram to be defeated in six weeks, since the effort of the past several years to check the activities of the group, let alone defeat it, has produced "mixed results" or ended in "failure" – as some would rather see it?
While I consider this a pertinent question and the scepticism that prompts it justified, I believe the evidence from our recent, if contemporary, history of successfully combating another form of home-grown terror is a sufficient ground for answering it in the affirmative.

I refer specifically to how, under the Jonathan administration, the Nigerian Army ended a long reign of terror foisted on our country by kidnappers operating in the South-East, with their nerve centre in Abia State, incidentally my home state.

Like the Boko Haram insurgency, the activities of the kidnappers went on for years, and seemed impossible to control let alone exterminate. Many businesses closed down in the commercial city of Aba and nearby towns for fear of their operators being kidnapped for huge ransoms for which they faced possible death at the hands of their captors if they or their relatives proved unable to pay. And there were cases of victims who were killed by their kidnappers after paying ransoms running into millions of naira!

Overseeing this booming underworld business was a man named Obioma Nwankwo, alias Osisikankwu, which literally translates as "A tree greater than the palm tree." In his capacity to induce widespread fear, "Osisikankwu" could be compared to the Boko Haram leader Abubakar Shekau. With his cohorts, he rendered the entire Abia and some neighbouring states numb with terror, manifesting mainly as the fear of kidnapping.

I could feel the relentless grip of fear on Aba and its environs each time I travelled home while the kidnappers reigned. Panicky drivers were in a hurry to enter the city before dusk; and most businesses closed by dusk as the city's denizens hurried home to a semblance of safety that everyone felt its elusiveness across its landscape. People ceased to drive expensive cars for fear of being identified by the kidnappers' ubiquitous but unrecognisable informants as prospective victims who could pay the coveted ransom, with predictable consequences for such prospects. The activities of the kidnappers even forced banks in Aba to suspend their operations for two weeks.

For luxury buses headed for Aba from the south-western or northern parts of the country, especially Lagos and Abuja, the drivers and passengers preferred to suspend their journeys midway, and pass the night on the highway, exposing themselves to other forms of hazards, rather than risk arriving or driving through the city after dusk.

While they held sway, the kidnappers reduced Aba from a majestic elephant of a metropolis, ever confident in trumpeting its glory, to some pathetic, sluggish, nondescript animal.
And as we have noticed with Boko Haram, even children, in and out of school, were not spared by the kidnappers in their desperate trawl for victims. For while the kidnappers could see nothing wrong in abducting a busload of schoolchildren for ransom, Boko Haram seems not to have seen any wrong in attacking and murdering students in their dormitories, or using young girls as suicide bombers. And there are parallels between the abduction of the Chibok girls and the kidnap of the busload of schoolchildren in Aba, which galvanised global condemnation against the kidnappers and triggered the decisive move by the government to annihilate them and their activities.

Following the kidnapping of the schoolchildren, the Nigerian Army launched an operation which lasted for about six weeks and ended the kidnappings and returned peace not only to Abia State but also to other nearby states to which the activities of the kidnappers and their terror had spread. And rather in the mould of Boko Haram, the kidnappers were well-armed and highly organised, with a well-articulated structure involving several cells with their control centres located in "evil forests" like the infamous Sambisa Forest of Boko Haram.

For instance, following the routing of the kidnappers and the total liquidation of their enterprise of crime and terror, the Nigerian Army reportedly conducted a cordon and search operation into a forest where the following items belonging to the kidnappers were discovered: "48 empty magazines of AK 47; 3,848 rounds of 7.62mm special ammunition; 538 rounds of 7.62mm Nato; 41 expended cases of 7.62mm special ammunition; some quantity of dynamite and three RPG prima."

One inference that can be drawn from what transpired with the kidnappers is that a well-armed, highly organised, ruthless and determined group can operate in our country for years and yet take a matter of weeks to defeat with the right kind of intervention by our government and security forces.

So while not making light of the pessimism of those who believe the Nigerian Army and its allies cannot defeat Boko Haram in the stipulated six weeks, I think the precedent I have cited here – involving the same Nigerian Army backed by the same Jonathan government – is proof that, with the support of committed troops from the neighbouring countries – it can achieve this seemingly impossible feat and restore peace to the states affected by the Boko Haram insurgency in preparation for the rescheduled 2105 elections.

In sum, the optimism of those of us who believe that Boko Haram can be defeated in six weeks is not misplaced, for it is founded on such a precedent derived from our recent experience as a people.

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Ikeogu Oke, a public affairs commentator, wrote from Abuja, via ikeogu.oke@gmail.com; Tel: +234-(0)8034531501

Opinions expressed above are solely those of the author
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Nigerian Military And Illegal Election Duty, By Jide Ojo

"…It must be stated, by way of emphasis, that the Armed Forces have no role in the conduct of election (and) must not be involved except perhaps, in the area of providing logistics services to the agencies of government in the preparation for the election." —Justice Abdul Aboki of Court of Appeal, Abuja, on Monday, February 16, 2015

The courts have spoken! The Nigerian judiciary has ruled that the deployment of troops for election purposes is an aberration, an infraction on the Nigerian constitution and the Electoral Act. First, a Federal High Court sitting in Sokoto on Thursday, January 29, 2015 had declared that the deployment of military for election duties in the country is unconstitutional.

Justice Mohammed Rilwan, who gave the ruling while delivering judgment in a suit challenging the deployment of the military for election duties, said that apart from protecting Nigeria's territorial integrity, there is no constitutional provision for the deployment of the military for elections. In the case instituted by the Deputy Speaker of the Sokoto State House of Assembly, Bello Goronyo, the Judge said that for the Federal Government to do so, it must have recourse to the National Assembly which would enact such a law.

On Monday, February 16, 2015, the Justice Abdul Aboki-led five-man Appeal Court sitting in Abuja upheld the position of the Federal High Court, Sokoto, on the matter. Justice Aboki gave the ruling in the Ekiti governorship election appeal case which was resolved in favour of the Ekiti State Governor, Ayodele Fayose. Justice Aboki raised some fundamental questions in coming to the conclusion reached which ousted the role of the military in elections.

According to eminent justices of the Appeal Court, Abuja, "The question is that who ordered deployment of military or soldiers in the Ekiti governorship election? Was there any act of insurrection to warrant the call on the military to restore order? And was such deployment in accordance with Sections 217 (2)(c) and 218(4) of the constitution?" Their lordships submitted that, "There is nothing before us in the records in answering the posers positively."

"With this, whoever unleashed soldiers on Ekiti State disturbed the peace of the election on June 21, 2014, acted in flagrant breach of the constitution, and flouted the provisions of the Electoral Act which required an enabling environment by civil authorities in the conduct of elections."

The appellate court therefore barred the use of the Armed Forces in the conduct of future elections in the country. The court further averred that "Even the President of Nigeria has no powers to call on the Nigerian Armed Forces to unleash them on peaceful citizenry who are exercising their franchise to elect their leaders."

These two judgments cited above are heartwarming particularly at this critical juncture where the role of the military in politics is being viewed with distrust. It will be recalled that a couple of weeks back, an audio tape was allegedly released by one Captain Sagir Koli where a purported rigging plan of the June 21, 2014 governorship election in Ekiti State was perfected.

The recording professedly captured some political actors in a meeting discussing strategies for rigging the Ekiti governorship election where they also allegedly gave directives to the military to favour the PDP, claiming they were working for the Presidency. Two of the dramatis personae were reported to have owned up to attending the meeting but disagreed with the context.

It will be recalled that on June 19, 2014, the same military denied some All Progressives Congress stalwarts entry into Ado-Ekiti on a spurious "order from above." It is this patent partisanship coupled with the fact that recently the National Security Adviser wrote to the Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission saying that the security agencies would not be able to provide security for the earlier scheduled elections on February 14 and 28 thereby causing INEC to shift the polls by six weeks that make these judicial pronouncements laudable.

It will also be recalled that just last week, the national leader of the APC and a former governor of Lagos State, Bola Tinubu, raised the alarm about the siege laid to his house in Lagos by some soldiers. It also did happen that in Imo State last week, some soldiers allegedly acting on the orders of a minister of state blocked the entrance to the Imo State Government House with Armoured Personnel Carriers. The APC had also cried out that the telephone lines of its national chairman and many of its chieftains may have been bugged. These are ominous. No wonder former president Olusegun Obasanjo also alleged partisanship on the part of the military.

Now that the Federal High Court and the Court of Appeal, which is a superior court, have both made legal pronouncements on the role of the military in elections, what is the implication of these judgments on our elections?

To my own mind, it does not bode well. Nigerian Armed Forces (Army, Navy and Air Force) as well as all major security agencies (Police, Civil Defence, Department of State Services, Federal Road Safety Commission, etc), about 16 of them, are all members of the Inter-Agency Consultative Committee on Election Security established by INEC in 2011 to provide some logistic support to the commission particularly in the distribution of both sensitive and non-sensitive election materials as well as provisioning of security for election personnel and materials. It is good that the appeal court had said the military can help out with the logistics. However, exempting them from providing election security needs to be revisited.

Just last Friday, February 13, the National Human Rights Commission released a 80-page report where it stated that 58 persons had died in election violence across the country between December 3, 2014 and January 31, 2015. The Chairman, Governing Council of the ‎commission, Prof. Chidi Odinkalu, while highlighting the contents of the report, noted that the 58 deaths had resulted from 49 election-related violence across 22 states in the country. If we had lost 58 lives within 60 days, that shows how volatile the forthcoming elections has been and will be. Can we then leave election security solely in the hands of the Nigeria Police, DSS and NSCDC? Will they be able to effectively police and secure the North-East zone and other hotspots across the country? It will be a suicidal gamble.

In order not to act ultra vires, I hereby enjoin President Goodluck Jonathan to do the needful as prescribed by Section 217 (2) (c) by writing to the National Assembly on the need to approve the military deployment in aid of INEC which is a civil authority. This can and should be done now that the National Assembly is back to work after their recess. In approving this however, a well spelt-out code of conduct must be handed down to the military about their limited role of providing logistic support to INEC as well as complementing the police and the DSS in providing election security. Any breach of this code should be visited with stiff punishment.

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Opinions expressed above are those of the author, Jide Ojo. You can follow him on twitter: @jideojong
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Was David-West Right About Nigeria? By Uche Igwe

On January 27, I attended a press conference in Port Harcourt where the eminent Ijaw-born erudite teacher of virology and former Minister of Petroleum Resources, Prof. Tamuno David-West, was a guest speaker. During his short intervention, he expressed surprise and disappointment with the frequency of politically motivated killings happening all over the country especially in Rivers State. He concluded that Nigeria was a failed state under President Goodluck Jonathan because his government had not been able to protect citizens. Before you call him controversial, let me say that the reputable university teacher was not the first person to pass such a verdict on the performance of the Nigerian state under the incumbent President. However, his comments drew a lot of debate partly because, as the President's kinsman, he was supposed to, like many other prominent people from the region, abide by the code of silence about the dismal performance of their brother.

That assertion from such a highly knowledgeable personality made many of us apprehensive though many others chose to dismiss his statement as partisan while others began to contest whether the Nigerian state is only weak and fragile or is actually pushing towards failure. As the debate raged on, the current hostilities in the North-East continued to stare us in the face. So far, thousands of people have been either killed or displaced. Daily, territories of Nigeria are being snatched and annexed in the presence of a helpless and disillusioned army. Neighbouring countries that have been impacted by the insurgency could no longer continue to look away and have now joined in the fight against the scourge. The President was thus forced to quit grandstanding and screamed for help both from within the African continent and beyond. As preparations for the 2015 elections climaxed, the citizens woke up to a letter written by the Nigerian Army to the Independent National Electoral Commission that they would not be able to provide security to the citizens for the scheduled elections. A few days later, the Commander-in-Chief came on live television to tell the world that the military did not brief him before they wrote to INEC. Is this a mere plot by a seemingly politicised military or an empirical indictment of its dwindling capabilities? Is the Nigerian state really failing?

To answer this question, let us turn to the definition of a failed state. The Global Policy Forum, an independent watchdog that scrutinises global policymaking, defined a failed state as one which cannot perform basic functions such as education, security or governance usually due to fractious violence or extreme poverty. Another online source defined a failed state as one whose political and economic situations have become so weak that the government has lost control and unable to fulfil the basic responsibilities of the sovereign state such as security, power, eradication of poverty, education and job creation. Dr. Anke Hoefler of the Centre for the Study of African Economies at the University of Oxford, situated state failure around failure to provide security and economic opportunities. She argued that the most basic role of the state is to provide security by maintaining a monopoly of organised violence within society.

Beyond politics, the performance of Nigeria on relevant global surveys provides an indication of how the country is being perceived globally. For instance, the 10th Annual Fragile States Index 2014 has just been released and Nigeria's performance is not looking good. Nigeria was ranked in the 17th position beside countries like Guinea Bissau, Syria, Cote d'Ivoire and Iraq. Such a depressing ranking calls for concern and reflection as these countries are either currently at war or recently emerged from one. According to the report, some of the contributory factors to fragility and failure include violence through internal conflict, existence of fault lines between identity groups defined by language, ethnicity, religion and areas of origin; competition over resources; predatory or fractured leadership as well as corruption and unresolved group grievances. One needs not to look too far to see that the Nigerian state is already manifesting many of the features highlighted above as they push the Nigerian state towards a possible brink.

A cursory look at the indicators utilised for the survey will confirm this further. Economic indicators like declining and uneven development as well as deepening poverty and disenchantment are already evident in our country. Our earnings from oil have decreased considerably and our foreign reserves have declined.

On the social side of things, demographic pressures have become intense with refugees and internally displaced persons littered within and without. Many group grievances remain unresolved while a few more are budding in several parts of the country. The Nigerian elite are effectively factionalised. Capital flight and brain drain in the past few months have been so enormous beyond what data can immediately capture and may not be reversed soon.

Many small arms and light weapons are currently in the hands of many non-state actors waiting to be used for one conflict or another. That is what the Nigerian state has become under President Jonathan.

Besides the North-East zone of Nigeria, Rivers State has become an important hotspot that exemplifies the possible failure of the Nigerian state. In the past few months, there have been several unresolved killings of loyalists of politicians and their supporters. In a particular scary case, these murderers moved from door to door in the Omoku area of the state snuffing life out of people who did not hold similar political views.

What a shame! As I was concluding this piece, very disturbing news filtered that unknown gunmen invaded the venue of the rally of the All Progressives Congress in Okrika Local Government Area. The hoodlums shot at the crowd repeatedly and disrupted the rally throwing several explosives at them.

For many weeks, the APC in the state has been seeking for permission from the police in order to hold its rally. If the event in Okrika will be used to gauge the elections in the coming weeks, then there is a clear danger in the air. What is the fate of the ordinary Nigerian going forward? Shall we resort to self-help where security agencies have either failed or have become partisan? Was Tam-David West right? Is President Jonathan and the security agencies simply helpless or are they part of a grand plot?

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Opinions expressed above are solely those of the author, Uche Igwe.
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Dwindling Oil Revenue And The Nigerian Economy, By Ogunbiyi

It is no longer news that the Nigerian economy is currently experiencing a downward trend. The fall in the price of crude oil, a major source of revenue for the country, has serious implications for the country's economy. As part of its response to the challenging economic situation in the country, the Federal Government came up with a series of austerity measures while at the same time scaling down the crude benchmark for the 2015 budget from $78 to $73 per barrel.

According to the Coordinating Minister for the Economy and Minister of Finance, Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, government's resolve to cut revenue projection was part of measures designed to maintain economic stability, boost non-oil revenues further, plug loopholes and waste, as well as cut unnecessary expenditure in order to cope with the situation.

Presently, the economic situation is biting so hard in some states in the federation that monthly receipt from the federation allocation has sharply declined. Consequently, some of the states can no longer meet up with their financial obligations. Thus, only a few state governments are able to pay their workers as and when due, while many others are unable to meet their obligations to their workers. Some Federal Government agencies are equally not faring any better in this respect. The private sector is also not totally immune from the gloomy economic reality in the country as it has impacted negatively on the value of the naira.

With the diminishing value of the naira, local industries are facing serious challenges that could actually lead to downsizing of workers if the situation is not quickly addressed. Hence, from every perspective, these are, indeed, trying times for the country.

However, no matter how gloomy a situation is, there is always a silver lining around the corner. Some economic analysts have actually stated that the current slide in crude oil price, and its attendant threats to the nation's economy, could eventually be a blessing in disguise for the country. There is, without a doubt, some degree of truth in this. For one, the current economic trend in the country has called the attention of everyone to the danger of operating a mono-economy. The nation's sole dependence on crude oil makes the economy vulnerable as fluctuation in the global crude oil price easily makes it unstable. Naturally, any economy that depends solely on one product would be incapable of meeting the expectations of the citizenry. Consequently, now that we have seen the folly of running a mono-economy, our leaders ought to be working seriously on how to diversify the nation's economy.

One way of addressing the situation is to revamp the country's ailing agriculture sector. Various administrations in the country have come out with different policies and programmes aimed at transforming the sector, but the results have not always been anything worthwhile. For instance, the much celebrated "Operation Feed the Nation" and "Green Revolution" of the Obasanjo-led military government and the civilian administration of Shehu Shagari respectively did little to ensure food security for the country, let alone leading to a boom in the economy.

Over the years, as a result of the neglect suffered by the sector, the export potential of cash crops such as cocoa, groundnut, cashew among others, has seriously diminished. It is sad today that Nigeria is no longer a major exporter of cocoa, groundnut, rubber, and palm oil. Ironically, these were the produce that the nation's founding fathers built the prosperity of the country upon. It is amazing how a nation that was once the biggest poultry producer in Africa now has its total output reduced from 40 million birds annually to about 18 million. The truth of the matter is that agriculture has suffered from years of neglect, poorly conceived government's policies as well as lack of basic infrastructure. Despite the fact that agricultural production rose by 28 per cent during the 1990s, per capita output rose by only 8.5 per cent during the same period.

Therefore, agriculture has not been able to keep pace with Nigeria's rapid population growth as evident in the sad reality that Nigeria, which once exported food, now relies heavily on food imports to sustain itself. Contented in its newly found oil wealth, successive governments in the country simply allowed investment in agriculture to decline to a ridiculous level. As against the United Nations specified 10 per cent of annual budgetary allocation, what we budget for agriculture in recent time is just around three per cent. The prospect of the sector, nevertheless, still reflects in its being accountable for over 26.8 per cent of GDP and two-thirds of employment in the country.

Government needs to really appreciate the potential of the sector as a catalyst for economic and industrial transformation. Consequently, government needs to recreate a modernised professional and commercial farming sector, supported by improved infrastructure and research into high performance seeds and livestock. To encourage the teeming army of unemployed youths in the country to take to agriculture, government should make access to loans meant for agriculture much easier while large scale farming powered by mechanised infrastructure should be the central goal.

Aside from revamping agriculture, improving the tourism sector could also be a boost to the country's economy. Tourism is a veritable instrument for socio-economic development. It impacts directly on the economy through the provision of resources and income that could be deployed to enhance economic growth, accelerate development and reduce poverty.

Similarly, it is a good public relations mechanism through which a city, state or country could attract needed foreign investment. Having come to terms with the socio- economic benefits of tourism, some states in the country are now drawing from the examples of cities such as New York, Hong Kong, Nairobi, Rio de Janeiro, among others, that have fruitfully utilised tourism for positive economic ends. In Africa, Kenya, South Africa and Egypt are renowned for their rich and economically viable tourist sites. With its numerous attractive and historical tourist centres, the Nigerian economy certainly stands to gain a lot if efforts are renewed to explore the tourism potential of the country.

However, it needs to be emphasised that the power situation in the country has to improve considerably before a significant improvement can be experienced in the economy. For instance, regular and stable power supply will enable small scale businesses to thrive better if more creative schemes are put in place to guarantee unhindered power supply. Equally, multinational firms that have closed shop in the country because of the epileptic power supply could be lured back if the power situation improves. This would not only bring back lost jobs, but will certainly restore lost ones.
On a final note, for the nation's economy to get out of the woods, the Federal Government, needs to be more creative, innovative and inward looking.

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Ogunbiyi, a policy analyst, is of the Features Unit, Lagos State Ministry of Information & Strategy, Alausa, Ikeja.

Opinions expressed above are solely those of the author.

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Tuesday, 17 February 2015

Exposed: PDP Faction Wants Jonathan Out As Candidate, As Party Faces Deepening Schisms

Sahara Reportershas learned of a new twist in the desire of some top officials of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) for a six-month postponement of polls in Nigeria, with several sources saying a faction of the party would work to replace President Goodluck Jonathan as the party's presidential candidate.

In separate interviews with SaharaReporters, numerous PDP officials disclosed that many founding members of the party had lost confidence in Mr. Jonathan's viability as a candidate, adding that a faction within the party had discussed easing the incumbent president out of the presidential race, and replacing him with another candidate from the Niger Delta zone.

"The only obstacle to the plan is that the South-South might kick against it, so we have arrived at a consensus to find another candidate," one of our sources, a northerner, said.

"If elections could be postponed for six months, we will definitely replace President Jonathan as our candidate," another member of the faction confirmed.

In a clear sign that the party was crumbling was within, several high ranking PDP members said they regretted letting President Jonathan carry the party's flag as a presidential candidate in the forthcoming elections. Some of them confessed to being aware that the party's prospects looked dire with Mr. Jonathan holding the presidential ticket.

"We are the ones who started the push for six months delay in the elections to enable us [to] put in place an interim government which would then enable the party to change its presidential candidate to somebody that is more competitive," one official confessed. He added that Mr. Jonathan's faction also sought the extension for their own designs, which was to explore ways of rigging the elections.

Our interviews revealed that many PDP governorship candidates in the north and elsewhere in the country were secretly working against Mr. Jonathan's re-election or quietly distancing themselves from him.

One party leader revealed that some candidates in the northern area were all but campaigning for Mr. Buhari, the presidential flag bearer of the opposition All Progressives Congress (APC).

However, some PDP officials told SaharaReporters that, while they hoped that President Jonathan could be sidelined to increase the chances of the party in the upcoming elections, they also wished that the APC would also dump Mr. Buhari as its presidential candidate.

The party officials claimed that key political figures across Nigeria continue to view a Buhari Presidency with mortal fear because of his stubborn personality and his promise to punish the corrupt.

Several of the PDP officials told SaharaReporters that the rift between Mr. Jonathan and a large faction in the party that wants him dumped was reflected in the responses to former President Olusegun Obasanjo who two days ago dramatically announced his resignation from the PDP, publicly tearing his membership card. Two of the officials disclosed that, while Mr. Jonathan's aides launched direct attacks on Mr. Obasanjo, the officials at the party headquarters in Abuja adopted a more cautious and subdued tone, regretting that the former president had decided to leave the party.

Some officials stated that the party hierarchy viewed Mr. Obasanjo's public departure from the party as a dangerous signal and as a major threat. "Chief Obasanjo doesn't just come out swinging the way he has done recently unless he is privy to the existence of some third forces that are against President Jonathan. And to the best of our knowledge, the former president has never fought a battle like this and lost, no matter how long it takes him," one of the officials said.

"The truth is that many senators, honourable members of the House of Reps and governors are loyal to Baba, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo. So they are doing Baba's bidding even though they are giving Mr. President [Jonathan] the impression that they are with him," another party official in Abuja said.

The party officials acknowledged that the statements of former President Obasanjo in the last three days had caused a major havoc on the party's plans to work towards an interim national government.

Several of the PDP officials attributed the fractiousness within the party to the way Mr. Jonathan and his wife, Patience Jonathan, imposed unpopular candidates on the party in various parts of the country. Even though they agreed that Mr. Obasanjo had imposed candidates on the party in the past, one PDP official said the Jonathans consistently backed candidates who were extremely unpopular within the PDP and unelectable.

Asked if President Jonathan was aware of plans to replace him, some of our sources said the president knew that many powerful members of the party were not satisfied with his style and low performance. One source said former Vice President Alex Ekwueme and even the party's chairman of the board of trustees, Tony Anenih, were far from enthusiastic about Mr. Jonathan's re-election.

"President Jonathan's candidature and unpopularity are damaging the party," one official stated. He added that the party's electoral prospects in the general elections had dwindled dramatically. "We are only sure of carrying about 11 states in the country, according to our internal polls," one party official disclosed.

Party officials also said they were determined to change numerous candidates for governorships, the Senate and House of Representatives in several states if the six-month postponement ever became a reality.

"The way President Jonathan and First Lady Patience Jonathan picked many candidates has now weakened the party across the country," one top official in Abuja complained.

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Source: This news first appeared on Sahara Reporters
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Rigging Plot Exposed: Presidency Contracts Ikimi, Nwosu, Others to Write Election Results

It is becoming increasingly unlikely that the PDP-Led government is prepared to hold on to power at all cost and ensure another four years of leadership in the country.

Already, several theorists have opined that the current regime is too scared to concede to defeat that they are working tooth and nail to sabotage whatever victory strategy the opposition All Progressive Congress has put in place.

In a featured article posted on Abusidiqu.com, the presidency has commissioned a high powered think tank group to write the result of the elections scheduled for March 28 and April 11.

To lead the pack of this high powered think tank is a former Chieftain of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Chief Tom Ikimi.
Ikimi, famous for his "Oba-sanjo, Oba-sanjo, Oba-sanjo pronunciation, was the returning officer for the 2003 Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), presidential primaries held at the Eagles Square in Abuja.

He defected to the opposition Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), which later joined forces with other political parties to form the All Progressives Congress (APC), only to return back to the PDP after he failed to clinch the Chairmanship position of the APC in 2014.

Another member of the think thank contracted by the presidency include the former Chairman of the defunct of the National Electoral Commission (NEC), Professor Humphrey Nwosu, who conducted the 12 June 1993 election, seen as the freest and fairest election to date, in which Chief Moshood Abiola was presumed to have won.

Others include former Chief of Staff to President Jonathan, Mike Oghiadomhe, former Minister Iyorchia Ayu, Chief Tony Anenih, Kashim Ibrahim-Imam and four others.

According to our source, the think tank group are expected to do a clean job of writing the result of the elections in connivance with some top members of the Independent National Electoral Commission and some Resident Electoral Commissioners.

The think tank group particular have a mandate of writing the results in the South South and South East States excluding Imo State, while the results of some states in the South West and the North including Lagos, Plateau, Sokoto and Kano will also be written by the group.

To that effect, the presidency our source said met with some of the INEC commissioners ready to play ball on Sunday evening at Protea Hotels around Apo Road, Abuja with the aim of discussing the rigging of the coming elections.

Prior to involving the commissioners, the think tank group was said to have approached the Chairman of INEC, Attahiru Jega to get him to play ball, but Jega insisted on conducting a free, fair and credible election.

In attendance at the Sunday evening meeting said to have been spearheaded by one of the most senior commissioners in INEC, Ishmael Igbani were the president of the Senate, David Mark, Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Anyim Pius Anyim, Chief of Staff to Mr. President, Mr. Arogbofa, spokesperson of the PDP presidential campaign, Fani-Kayode and Special Adviser to the President on Public Affairs, Doyin Okupe.

The source added that the INEC commissioners will be paid a sum of N50m each for agreeing to use the results which the think tank group will write in place of the result that would be turned out in the election.

It was gathered that this is about the second time the meeting between the presidency and the INC commissioners to discuss the rigging plan was held.

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Recommended:

Big Story: Former President Olusegun Obasanjo Quits Politics, Tears PDP Membership Card http://bit.ly/1L76VOw

Exposed: Presidency Schemes To Bribe National Assembly Members To Postpone Elections Again http://bit.ly/1yJNtyz

President Jonathan Is Afraid Buhari Will Jail Him, Says Former President Obasanjo http://bit.ly/1EdOXFV

2015 Presidential Election Ballot Papers Found In London http://bit.ly/1A7kpF5

New Leaked Documents Reveal Nigerian Army Board Of Inquiry Tried Capt. Koli For Exposing Ekiti Rigging http://bit.ly/1uTDAmL

"If One Of My Men Is Killed During Elections, I Shall Kill Twenty Civilians," Police AIG Mbu Warns http://bit.ly/1CpfqxH
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Source: ABUSIDIQU
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