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Thursday, 12 February 2015

President Jonathan is far from perfect but He Has My Vote, Says Chocolate City Boss, Audu Maikori

I watched Buhari's campaign speech yesterday and I left feeling like I was listening to my father speaking to me- and that's sort of natural. After all, he and my father are about the same age. Buhari is an awesome figure, very impressive in terms of what he stands for as a person . Indeed, I must tell a story – way back in 1998 during the perennial university strikes I was in Kaduna during one of the perennial fuel scarcity episodes. I was at the Ungwar Rimi filling station and had been on a line for 3 hours or so waiting for my turn to buy fuel. And if you can recall those days, fuel lines were like military camps and people were violent if you tried to jump the queue unless you were a friend of the petrol station manager or a soldier. And General Buhari drove into the area in his 505 looking for fuel and somehow people saw him and all of a sudden people started moving their cars out of the way to allow him drive up to fill his tank.

This people did without compulsion – it was out of sheer respect of him, the man, the father figure- that was General Buhari, before he become Chairman of the Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF).

If Buhari was going to be allowed to run the country based on his ideals alone, I would probably change my mind (after I get past the age factor). But honestly speaking , governance is not strictly about a single personality – it's a series of conversations around different interest groups and institutions and walking the fine line between your decisions based on personal interest or moral values and/or public interest- which usually means a politicized decision.

I feel that a General Buhari presidency, though well intended, will not achieve much due to the fact that he will try to purge Nigeria via old school methods which are no longer practical. He will be the face but the real machinery will be run by some of Nigeria's most "pious" politicians – people like Tinubu, Amaechi , Atiku ,etc. The question is will they allow him to stop the business as usual environment they have benefited from to their detriment?

When he spoke about Sharia a few years back, which was seen as very inciteful, and how it was necessary in Nigeria, he spoke as a devout Muslim that he is – but the statement was so politically incorrect especially since you know that same Sharia implementation led to the death of thousands of man and women in Kaduna state alone in the early 2000s. The implementation of Sharia in Kaduna led to the division of Southern Kaduna from Northern Kaduna and the relocation of the people to Barnawa and beyond due to religious intolerance. When it comes to elections, I personally feel that we are asking a man who's ways and actions are set to suddenly become dynamic and new and do so with the support of leaders who were not just part of the PDP's alleged rot but were key players in it. Suddenly the are 'born again" and old things are passed and have become "new".

President Goodluck Jonathan is far from perfect but I see him continuing to make steady inroads especially in the area of the economic advancement of young people because the cliché is true – the youth are the future but the future is now and here!

Has he done well? In some areas yes but in security no. That's the fact. I won't go into the reasons why not but we should note that the rot in the army started many years before Jonathan and the insurgency only opened the cankerworm that was hidden because the need to protect Nigeria against a new age enemy hadn't arisen in over 39 or so.

About corruption having worked around government for almost 3 years I now understand things I never quite understood. Most of the corruption in our country is usually attributed to government and the civil service which is true but we forget that they need collaborators in the private sector to successfully perpetrate these crimes. The best way to fight corruption is to build institutions and use technology to fortify them so they can reduce incidences of corruption- that's the truth. You can't tap an MTN line like we used to tap the box telephones at home in those days. You can't pass the Lekki Toll Gate without paying N120 at the automated gates but the politicians can set up companies to surreptitiously buy the company that owns the gates (hope you get my drift) and that's done at top level. You can't also fight corruption if you tip a policeman at every checkpoint instead of taking the day off and ensuring you get your drivers license so we can stop the extortion – yes that too is corruption.

Why is budget implementation so poor? Because the National Assembly unduly politicizes the process leading to late passage of the bills (in 2013 it was in July / August same as 2014) so when projects don't get delivered its mostly because of slow passage of the bill.

The other reason is that the appropriation committees can tamper with the budget how they like that's why a project like the perilous Lokoja -Abuja Road which led to the death of many Nigerians took over 10 years to be completed because the amounts appropriated by the NASS was simply inappropriate to adequate fund the completion. It was only when the Sure-P Programme intervention came that the road was fast tracked (as most can testify) same with the railways , roads and bridges etc- why? Because the SURE-P funds were better insulated from tampering unlike many other projects approved for completion. There are now policies being put to change this to make execution more effective from the lessons we learnt via Sure-P on a federal level.

But I digress, I agree that GMB is a fine gentleman and leader but I also believe that if I did vote for him I would be doing so nostalgically not realistically because there's a new Nigeria where people are earning a living off their talents and passions and creating a new middle class which was virtually non existent pre-GEJ and that's the Nigeria I want to be part of…

Agriculture is becoming the new sexy and his administration has pushed it even more than Obasanjo (a renowned farmer did). No matter how I explain FB or Instagram or the global economy to my dad now he may not fully grasp it as a person below 35 would and I fear that I would rather move forward imperfectly than go back to the past in search of a non-existent Utopia.

This is just my view of things and I have taken time to state it and not berate GMB – it's my vote , it's my choice. Some will say that I vote for GEJ because of SURE-P. But honestly I do so because in him I see a man who is imperfect, struggling with his imperfections to make things better and I see room for improvement and change… in all fairness we are all sort of like that trying to get a better report card and improve on poor subjects of last semester. In the former I see an upright man of integrity and high discipline who doesn't yet realize that one of his disciples may yet betray him because they don't stand for the same ideals.

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Audu Maikori is the CEO of Chocolate City Entertainment Company. He tweets from @audu.

The opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author


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General Buhari's Scary History And Those Who Are Wilfully Blind, By Shaka Momodu.

Thirty years ago, he faced the cruel and ignominious fate of being tied to the stake and a hail of bullets from marksmen ended his precious life. That person was Bartholomew Owoh (26) who alongside others, Bernard Ogedengbe (29) and Lawal Ojuolape (30), were executed by firing squad after being arrested and tried for drug trafficking. The case of Bartholomew Owoh, the youngest of them all, was particularly tragic. At the time of his arrest, the crime did not carry capital forfeiture -the punishment was six months imprisonment. But Decree No. 20 was hurriedly promulgated and back-dated by one whole year to take effect from when he and others committed the crime and on the basis of that they were all tried, found guilty and executed by firing squad. Someone recently asked me if this actually happened and I said, "read the records of history against Buhari's name".

The man responsible for that "judicial murder and crime against humanity" is today the APC presidential candidate, General Muhammadu Buhari, who has shown no remorse, no regret and has tendered no apology for his actions. Furthermore, he has sought no remission or restitution for that act of pure evil. He is the same man being daily burnished in the media by revisionists as the new face of "change."

I sometimes wonder how he has been able to sleep, eat and wake up every morning for the past 30 years knowing that his hands are stained with the blood of these young men.

Before the promulgation of Decree 20, drug offences were bailable and it is instructive that Bartholomew Owoh was even on bail when it was promulgated. My personal investigation reveals that immediately the decree was promulgated, the young man expressed his desire to escape from the country. But his father prevailed on him to stay back, promising that he would protect him from the grave injustice. The young Owoh heeded his father's advice and stayed. But his father clearly underestimated the deadly resolve of General Buhari to implement the new decree against his son and others. I can imagine the horror the poor father must have felt on hearing that soldiers had marched his son to the Bar Beach firing range to be executed.

I can imagine the last few moments of Bartholomew's earthly life as he watched soldiers march around in a choreographic and synchronised parade to carry out the orders of General Buhari. What was going on in his mind? Did he have the moment to say goodbye to his family? Definitely no. He must have been too shocked by what was about to happen. What were the last word(s) he heard on this earth before the hail of bullets hit and silenced him forever? Have any of Buhari's supporters bothered to ask or imagine? Have any of them put himself on the receiving end of such grave injustice? I guess the last word Owoh heard was: "fire"! And the last sound? The crack of gun shots as hot lead pierced through his body ripping him apart. He probably twitched for a few seconds and his precious life ended just like that. Where and how were he and others buried? In an unmarked grave perhaps! Expectedly, their families were denied the privilege of paying last respect to their loved ones.

If Bartholomew Owoh, the youngest of the three were still alive today, he would have been (56) – about the same age as Buhari's running-mate, Yemi Osinbajo. He would have been married with children; somebody would have called him father; somebody would have called him uncle. But he died in his prime, as his life was brutally cut short by no less a brutal regime with the red hand of murder. What is a life worth to those who casually say Buhari has changed when the evidence points to the contrary? What is the value for human life to the revisionists and those uninformed bloggers who spread fantasies of Buhari's daughter who is alleged married to an Igbo Christian man all in a bid to sell him?

I can imagine the eternal guilt Owoh's father must have felt and probably still feels, that's if he is still alive for prevailing on his son not to escape.

The irony here is that Bartholomew Owoh and his co- travellers were no saints; just as Buhari who ordered their execution is no saint. But the difference is that while the supporters of Buhari tell us that he has changed and are willing to forgive and give him a second chance, the same Buhari never gave Bartholomew and his co-travellers the opportunity for a second chance – to change and be good citizens of the society. Each time my mind drifts to this monumental injustice, I still freeze in shock and a cold chill runs through my body. How could this have happened in our country? But I am a witness to this part of our history.

I doubt if many Sai Buhari! crusaders feel the same way. But I know for sure that they won't be so supportive of Buhari if their relatives were among the three Nigerians executed by a back-dated law. Can anyone of his supporters out there stand up and be counted on this score? Needless to say that many of them were too young to appreciate the gravity of the injustice while many others were not even born then. So, they can be excused for not being witnesses of records but they can't be excused for refusing to use the lessons of history as guides to the future.

The frenzied campaign to dress Buhari in borrowed robes and foist him on Nigerians must be interrogated without let. Buhari's critics must never allow themselves to be intimidated into silence by those who attack them for daring to interrogate the past, present and acts recorded against the general. More so, as the Sai Buhari have the right to air their opinion and support for the general without molestation. It is the fairest minimum for a healthy debate.

It is in this regard that I take exception to Buhari's supporters who would rather re-write history and shout critics down for daring to air contrary views from the make-belief narrative being used to dupe a new generation of Nigerians, especially bloggers, facebook and twitter savvy youths. Whatever the case, facts remain sacred, comments are free but the records of history endure.

One of the often forgotten victims of Buhari's high-handedness is Busari Adelakun. Does that name ring a bell? If it doesn't, let me introduce him to you. Busari Adelakun was a grassroots mobiliser like no other. He was so instrumental to the emergence of the late Chief Bola Ige as the governor of old Oyo State in 1979 that he was appointed Commissioner for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs despite his low academic qualifications. But Adelakun was to fall-out with his boss, Ige, and pitched tent with his estranged Deputy, the late Chief S.M Afolabi. Alongside other former Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) stalwarts, Adelakun moved to the rival National Party of Nigeria (NPN) and worked for its candidate, Dr. Omololu Olunloyo, in the August 13, 1983 governorship election which he won. Olunloyo was sworn-in on October 1, 1983 and three months later, December 31, 1983, a group of soldiers led by Buhari, overthrew the democratic government.

One of those arrested by the new junta was Adelakun. He was herded into jail alongside other politicians. While Adelakun was not put on trial, he was nonetheless kept in jail despite his poor health, he was an ulcer patient who needed regular treatment and a special diet.

But he was denied proper treatment and food; leading Adelakun to suffer in prison until he died. Even after his death, the military junta would not release the corpse to his family. He was yet another Second Republic politician who met his untimely death as a result of the in-human conditions he was subjected to in Buhari's detention camps.

The same man is now being canonised by a cabal of primitive wealth accumulators, money changers and flawed progressives whose motivation is anything but altruistic.

APC, Buhari, Change, And Corruption

For God sake! How can a man who, according to Professor Wole Soyinka, "Built a career out of human rights abuses" suddenly become the change agent for the New Nigeria? He has become the man who will cure Nigeria of all afflictions such as corruption, insecurity, etc. The only message coming out from Buhari is: "I will fight corruption and insecurity," but he has been short on details on how he plans to achieve these twin objectives. He is yet to give Nigerians an economic blue-print, five weeks to the presidential election. In the face of dwindling revenue, General Buhari is yet to articulate an innovative, and creative road map on how to move the economy forward. It is not enough for Buhari and his party to tell us that he will fight corruption without telling us how. Of course, that is the easiest claim any politician can make but the statement cannot be taken as a commitment. It is all talk, and talk is cheap if it is not backed by an action plan which is currently missing.

For the life of me, why should the APC National Chairman, Chief John Odigie-Oyegun brand every Nigerian who opposes Buhari's presidential ambition as corrupt? Is that not a gratuitous insult? Is this not a typical example of an elder behaving badly? Why are these people so self-righteous when we see how corrupt they are too?

My worst fears were confirmed after reading news reports credited to the APC chairman recently that Buhari will not probe past corrupt acts because he wants to draw a line in the sand and move on. I chuckled and then laughed. If this is Buhari's position, how then will he fight corruption, when even before the election, he has given a blanket amnesty to those accused of being corrupt? Can anyone spot the contradiction in the public message of "change" and the utterances of the APC leadership? In one breath, they accuse anyone who is opposed to Buhari's ambition as corrupt and in another breath Chairman Oyegun stated that Buhari won't probe past corrupt acts. Hear him: "The only people I can think of, who will fear the Buhari presidency are those who do not want change; they are those who want to continue with business as usual; they are those who want to continue to profit from the level of corruption in the society. The message will be clear – whatever you engaged in before that was detrimental to the people of this country, please stop it. There will be a line drawn in the sand; on one the part is the past, the other side is the future." How will this deter people from corrupt acts if past crimes carry no weight of punishment?

If the signals from Odigie-Oyegun are anything to go by, then the clamour for change by the APC may end up just giving Nigerians more of the same or just selling a bad apple disguised as an orange.

Now, hear Buhari in Port Harcourt where he went to launch his campaign: "I will send corrupt people to Kirikiri." Really? (Probably without trial). That would have made sense if the PTF probe report wasn't so damning. But unfortunately, Buhari's Spartan incorruptible and austere credentials being trumpeted by Oyegun and his supporters have been ripped apart with his indictment in the management of the Petroleum Support Trust Fund, PTF. Based on the probe report conducted in 1999-2000, the PTF under Buhari's supervision was mismanaged. The report was however neither made public nor was it acted upon by former President Obasanjo.

In its summary, the committee had advised Obasanjo to "set up a high powered judicial panel to recover huge public funds allocated to the PTF and to take necessary action against any officer, consultant or contractor whose negligence resulted in this colossal loss of public funds."

According to the report, the sum of N25,758,532,448 was mismanaged by the Afri-Project Consortium (APC), a company contracted by the PTF as management and project consultants. Buhari as PTF chairman was said to have also "delegated to them the power of engineers in all appropriate projects requiring such power-" which made them assume absolute powers to initiate, approve and execute all projects by the PTF. The mismanagement that took place in the PTF under Buhari's watch was said to have been carried out by APC (the company) in their capacity as management and project consultants. Both their management services fees and budgets for several projects carried out during the existence of the PTF were greatly overpriced.

The question now is who will send Buhari to Kirikiri for the mismanagement, corruption and huge financial losses suffered by the taxpayers when he was chairman of PTF? With his indictment for mismanagement by a committee instituted in 1999 by Obasanjo, Buhari's ability to manage the Nigerian economy and fight corruption has been called to question. Will he lead by example by voluntarily surrendering himself at Kirikiri Prisons? Imagine the effects of such an action on many corrupt people who currently walk the streets free.
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The opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author, Shaka Momodu.

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Buhari Is NOT The Messiah And President Jonathan Needs To Be Re-elected, By Toks Ero

Who will win next month's Presidential election and assume the position of President come May 29, 2015 is no doubt the most important issue to Nigerians at this time. Nigerians are hopeful for a President that will stem the tide of Boko Haram and provide lasting solutions to the long list of problems that plague the country.

Now that our choices have been narrowed down to incumbent President Goodluck Jonathan and General Muhammadu Buhari, the wise thing for Nigerians to do at this time is to carefully assess the antecedents, character and circumstances of these individuals and what they represent. Engaging in this task will be confusing; however, care must be taken to weigh the pros and cons objectively and as devoid of every form of emotion or sentiment as possible.

President Jonathan sadly has presided over a very corrupt government that has proved incompetent and ineffective at tackling the nation's problems. Arguably though, at no time in Nigeria's history have Nigerians experienced such turbulent times as to seek whatever immediate change is available. However, our quest for immediate change should not becloud our sense of judgment as to what kind of change is expedient.

General Muhammadu Buhari as a serving military officer overthrew a democratically elected government without any subsequent plan of return to civilian rule. Nigerians bold enough to criticize his regime were hounded under a draconian Decree 2. One way to judge a person is by their utterances. Buhari has to his credit statements that indicate subtle display of sympathy for Boko Haram and calls for the promotion of Islamic Sharia law in a secular Nigeria. Buhari represents the age long northern mentality of "born to rule". The unique selling point of Buhari is his supposed character and how that will influence his anti-corruption stance. Birds of the same feathers flock together is a popular saying. Buhari's character is as legendary as it is mythical and significantly flawed by his association and dalliance with the corrupt elements that hold sway in the All Progressives Congress (APC).

I watched Buhari's interview on the programme "Politics Today" aired on Channels TV and all I perceived was an old, slow, inarticulate and uninspiring man; most probably not one to herald the change Nigerians seek; certainly not one to represent Nigeria as President aside other world leaders in this day and age. I saw a Buhari that seemed to have no more than a pedestrian grasp of the issues that a presidential candidate should be able to debate and argue intelligently.

Yes! We want change. But at what cost? Do we want change so much we fail to think that such change could be for the worse? Can Buhari effectively curb the excesses of the corrupt elements in his party if he becomes President? Will these corrupt elements in the APC not have put in place a machinery to shield themselves from probable Buhari anti-corruption stance against themselves? Can Buhari sincerely say that he does not know that the intentions of APC bigwigs concerning Nigeria are not nobler than those of PDP's? Will the emergence of Buhari as President not further strengthen the northern "born to rule" mentality which should be discouraged?

How are we sure a president Buhari will not attempt to promote the spread of Sharia law to all parts of Nigeria as he once advocated? How sure are we that a president Buhari will not operate the authoritarianism he did in the 80's? How are we sure that our National Assembly would be able to moderate the authoritarian and dictatorial tendencies of a president Buhari? These are some of the questions Nigerians must ask themselves before casting a ballot in favour of Buhari.

Our path to nationhood must be based on certain fundamental principles of equality, fairness, competence, justice, transparency and accountability, etc. Politics of ethnicity and religion must be discouraged. All Nigerians must strive to influence the electoral process such that our votes would definitely count.

I feel sad being forced to choose between Buhari and President Jonathan. It is having to choose between a rock and a hard place; between the devil and a deep blue sea; a classic case of having to choose between two evils. However, based on my perception of both candidates and their circumstances, President Jonathan is a lesser evil.

Dear Nigerian, Buhari is not the messiah!!!
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Toks Ero blogs at www.toksero.org. He tweets from @toksero.

Opinions expressed above are solely those of the author.

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Exposed: President Jonathan Changes Tactics, Plans To Mop Up Permanent Voters Cards

Having pressured INEC to postpone Nigeria's general elections by six weeks, President Goodluck Jonathan and his inner circle of political operatives are focusing on new strategies to counter the groundswell of opposition to the incumbent president and to snatch the elections, a few high-profile sources have disclosed. One such strategy is to use huge funds put aside by Petroleum Minister Diezani Alison Madueke as well as donations from refined fuel importers and private operators of power distribution companies to buy up permanent voter cards in the states where Mr. Jonathan and the ruling PDP are most unpopular.

One of the sources stated that increasing public backlash and fear of the unknown had pushed Mr. Jonathan to accept that Nigerians are determined to have elections. Consequently, said the source, the incumbent president has abandoned original plans to scuttle elections altogether in order to form a so-called government of national unity presided over by him. "He [Jonathan] knows that there is no option now than to allow elections to hold," said the source. He added that the president would assure Nigerians of his preparedness for election at a choreographed media parley scheduled for later today [Wednesday] in Abuja.

Other sources revealed that Mr. Jonathan and his handlers would focus on healing rifts within the ruling party in order to present a united front that would make rigging more possible. For example, the president's associates are expected to push to resolve the internal crises bedeviling the PDP in Adamawa and Taraba States. In addition, the president is planning to reach out to the governors of Enugu and Bayelsa to mend fences with them.

One source said the six-week postponement of elections has helped Mr. Jonathan to "soften the chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Professor Attahiru Jega." He said the president's team now feels confident that they can have their way with some INEC officials, including Mr. Jega, as the PDP fine tunes its rigging strategy in some key states.

One INEC source said that, despite postponing the elections to serve Mr. Jonathan's wishes, Mr. Jega had so far received little or no cooperation from the military high command. "They [the military] are not giving Professor Attahiru Jega the necessary assurance of security support to hold the election. We think that the powers-that-be have ordered the military to withhold the support until much later," the source said.
Meanwhile, one of our sources said operatives of the People's Democratic Party intend to use the current lull to mop up permanent voter cards across Nigeria as part of a broad mechanism to rig the polls.

The source claimed that agents of the ruling party were sending fronts to buy unclaimed voter cards. The cards would then be handed to ghost voters expected to help rig the election. The party has publicly stated that it is now opposed to the use of card readers for the purpose of validating legitimate voter card holders

In addition, President Jonathan's confidants were strategizing about the use of security agents to arrest, detain and intimidate major opposition figures as the elections near. One source disclosed that the arrest last week of former Governor Timipre Sylva of Bayelsa was supposed to inaugurate a wider clampdown on political opposition figures. However, the security agents were forced to jettison the plan to pick other opposition officials after SaharaReporters released an audiotape of a similar strategy used in rigging of elections in Ekiti State. The tape exposed a meeting between several PDP officials close to Mr. Jonathan, including former Minister of State for Defense, Musiliu Obanikoro, Senator Iyiola Omisore, and current Governor Ayo Fayose, and Brigadier General Aliyu Momoh. In the tape, PDP officials can be heard instructing the army officer on the arrest of APC officials and supporters.

Mr. Sylva told a correspondent last Friday that he had prepared to spend the weekend at the offices of the Department of State Services (DSS) only to be told to leave a few hours after his arrest.

Our sources said the logic behind the planned detention and intimidation of APC members was to keep the opposition party sufficiently distracted to enable Mr. Jonathan's team to finalize a broad rigging plan.

Part of Mr. Jonathan's strategies, to be unveiled over the coming weeks, includes the announcement of "job creation" initiatives aimed at luring back youth voters, many of whom are vehemently opposed to Mr. Jonathan's re-election.

Our source said the president's other deft moves over the next weeks before the elections would feature a barrage of lawsuits against some opposition figures, including Muhammadu Buhari, the APC's presidential candidate, the release of economic palliatives, and the harassment of INEC chairman Jega by government-sponsored groups. In addition, the Nigerian military would engage in a series of military operations against Boko Haram insurgents in Nigeria's northeast to enable Mr. Jonathan to claim that the Islamist terrorist group was on the cusp of defeat.

In addition, the president and the ruling party reportedly plan to use their hefty war chest to woo a few opposition politicians to defect to the PDP. The president's team was currently searching for a few high profile endorsements from Northern politicians, one of our sources said.

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SOURCE: Sahara Reporters
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I have No Intention Of Staying Beyond May 29 If I Lose March 28 Elections, President Jonathan Says

President Goodluck Jonathan has debunked rumours being peddled on the social media insinuating that he intends to hold onto the presidency at all cost, by saying that he will handover to his opponent should he lose the forthcoming presidential election next month.

The president made his intention public on Wednesday in a live media chat which commenced at 7pm and was broadcast on the Broadcast Organization of Nigeria (BON) stations.

President Jonathan said, "Let me assure Nigerians that a new government will be formed on May 29.

"The rumour that I will not hand over or that I am scheming to prolong my tenure are insinuations; they are not true. Those are insinuations; it is quite unfortunate that so much wrong information is floating in the system."

President Jonathan recalled the commitments he made during the build-up to the general elections in 2011 when he insisted then that he would vacate Aso Rock should he lose. He equally mentioned then that he was determined to conduct a free and fair election.

President Jonathan said, "In 2011, I said I will conduct a free and fair election and that if I lose, I will happily move on and that it should be recorded.

"Then I just concluded the late President Umaru Yar'Adua's tenure. I said I will be happy to go if I lose. I said this nation is more important than anybody. Anyone who wants to hold the office of President and feels he is more important than the nation is not right.

"So if as of 2011, I made a commitment that if I lose I will go, it should tell you more about my stand on free and fair elections.

"But now, Nigerians have given me the opportunity to be here for four good years and so if the elections are conducted and I lose, of course, we will inaugurate a new government.

Anyway, the president has spoken; critics and speculators are eagerly waiting to see if Mr President fulfills and keeps to his promises this time around.

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Wednesday, 11 February 2015

Nigeria’s Postponed Elections Is An Embarrassment Of Bad Choices, By Chimamanda Adichie

Last week, Victor, a carpenter, came to my Lagos home to fix a broken chair. I asked him whom he preferred as Nigeria's next president: the incumbent, Goodluck Jonathan, or his challenger, Muhammadu Buhari.

"I don't have a voter's card, but if I did, I would vote for somebody I don't like," he said. "I don't like Buhari. But Jonathan is not performing."

Victor sounded like many people I know: utterly unenthusiastic about the two major candidates in our upcoming election.

Were Nigerians to vote on likeability alone, Jonathan would win. He is mild-mannered and genially unsophisticated, with a conventional sense of humour. Buhari has a severe, ascetic air about him, a rigid uprightness; it is easy to imagine him in 1984, leading a military government whose soldiers routinely beat up civil servants. Neither candidate is articulate. Jonathan is given to rambling; his unscripted speeches leave listeners vaguely confused. Buhari is thick-tongued, his words difficult to decipher. In public appearances, he seems uncomfortable not only with the melodrama of campaigning but also with the very idea of it. To be a democratic candidate is to implore and persuade, and his demeanour suggests a man who is not at ease with amiable consensus. Still, he is no stranger to campaigns. This is his third run as a presidential candidate; the last time, in 2011, he lost to Jonathan.

This time, Buhari's prospects are better. Jonathan is widely perceived as ineffectual, and the clearest example, which has eclipsed his entire presidency, is his response to Boko Haram. Such a barbaric Islamist insurgency would challenge any government. But while Boko Haram bombed and butchered, Jonathan seemed frozen in a confused, tone-deaf inaction. Conflicting stories emerged of an ill-equipped army, of a corrupt military leadership, of northern elites sponsoring Boko Haram, and even of the government itself sponsoring Boko Haram.

Jonathan floated to power, unprepared, on a serendipitous cloud. He was a deputy governor of Bayelsa state who became governor when his corrupt boss was forced to quit. Chosen as vice president because powerbrokers considered him the most harmless option from southern Nigeria, he became president when his northern boss died in office. Nigerians gave him their goodwill—he seemed refreshingly unassuming—but there were powerful forces who wanted him out, largely because he was a southerner, and it was supposed to be the north's 'turn' to occupy the presidential office.

And so the provincial outsider suddenly thrust onto the throne, blinking in the chaotic glare of competing interests, surrounded by a small band of sycophants, startled by the hostility of his traducers, became paranoid. He was slow to act, distrustful and diffident. His mildness came across as cluelessness. His response to criticism calcified to a single theme: His enemies were out to get him. When the Chibok girls were kidnapped, he and his team seemed at first to believe that it was a fraud organized by his enemies to embarrass him. His politics of defensiveness made it difficult to sell his genuine successes, such as his focus on the long-neglected agricultural sector and infrastructure projects. His spokespeople alleged endless conspiracy theories, compared him to Jesus Christ, and generally kept him entombed in his own sense of victimhood.

The delusions of Buhari's spokespeople are better packaged, and obviously free of incumbency's crippling weight. They blame Jonathan for everything that is wrong with Nigeria, even the most multifarious, ancient knots. They dismiss references to Buhari's past military leadership, and couch their willful refusal in the language of 'change,' as though Buhari, by representing change from Jonathan, has also taken on an ahistorical saintliness.

I remember the Buhari years as a blur of bleakness. I remember my mother bringing home sad rations of tinned milk, otherwise known as "essential commodities"—the consequences of Buhari's economic policy. I remember air thick with fear, civil servants made to do frog jumps for being late to work, journalists imprisoned, Nigerians flogged for not standing in line, a political vision that cast citizens as recalcitrant beasts to be whipped into shape.

Buhari's greatest source of appeal is that he is widely perceived as non-corrupt. Nigerians have been told how little money he has, how spare his lifestyle is. But to sell the idea of an incorruptible candidate who will fight corruption is to rely on the disingenuous trope that Buhari is not his party. Like Jonathan's People's Democratic Party, Buhari's All Progressives Congress is stained with corruption, and its patrons have a checkered history of exploitative participation in governance. Buhari's team is counting on the strength of his perceived personal integrity: his image as a good guy forced by realpolitik to hold hands with the bad guys, who will be shaken off after his victory.

In my ancestral home state of Anambra, where Jonathan is generally liked, the stronger force at play is a distrust of Buhari, partly borne of memories of his military rule, and partly borne of his reputation, among some Christians, as a Muslim fundamentalist. When I asked a relative whom she would vote for, she said, "Jonathan of course. Am I crazy to vote for Buhari so that Nigeria will become a sharia country?"

Nigeria has predictable voting patterns, as all democratic countries do. Buhari can expect support from large swaths of the core north, and Jonathan from southern states. Region and religion are potent forces here. Vice presidents are carefully picked with these factors in mind: Buhari's is a southwestern Christian and Jonathan's is a northern Muslim. But it is not so simple. There are non-northerners who would ordinarily balk at voting for a 'northerner' but who support Buhari because he can presumably fight corruption. There are northern supporters of Jonathan who are not part of the region's Christian minorities.

Delaying the elections is a staggeringly self-serving act of contempt for Nigerians.
Last week, I was indifferent about the elections, tired of television commercials and contrived controversies. There were rumours that the election, which was scheduled for February 14, would be postponed, but there always are; our political space is a lair of conspiracies. I was uninterested in the apocalyptic predictions. Nigeria was not imploding. We had crossed this crossroads before, we were merely electing a president in an election bereft of inspiration. And the existence of a real opposition party that might very well win was a sign of progress in our young democracy.

Then, on Saturday, the elections were delayed for six weeks. Nigeria's security agencies, we were told, would not be available to secure the elections because they would be fighting Boko Haram and needed at least another month and a half to do so. (Nigeria has been fighting Boko Haram for five years, and military leaders recently claimed to be ready for the elections.)

Even if the reason were not so absurd, Nigerians are politically astute enough to know that the postponement has nothing to do with security. It is a flailing act of desperation from an incumbent terrified of losing. There are fears of further postponements, of ploys to illegally extend Jonathan's term. In a country with the specter of a military coup always hanging over it, the consequences could be dangerous. My indifference has turned to anger. What a staggeringly self-serving act of contempt for Nigerians. It has cast, at least for the next six weeks, the darkest possible shroud over our democracy: uncertainty.

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Chimamanda Adichie is an award winning writer and author of bestsellers including Purple Hibiscus, Half of a Yellow Sun, The Thing Around Your Neck and Americanah.

Opinions expressed above are solely those of the author.
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2015: Obasanjo Endorses Buhari, Qualifies Him As A Smart, Educated, And Experienced Man

Former President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Olusegun Obasanjo, has endorsed APC presidential candidate, Maj. Gen. Muhammadu Buhari (retd.) be become the next president of NIgeria.

Obasanjo noted that, if there is one man who is more than qualified to steer Nigeria out of her deep crisis towards greater strides, that man is Muhammadu Buhari.

Obasanjo said, "It is a question of leadership – political and military. I think you need to ask Jonathan how he let the army go to this extent. Many things went wrong: recruitment went wrong; training went wrong; morale went down; motivation was not there; corruption was deeply ingrained; and welfare was bad."

"The circumstances he (Buhari) will be working under if he wins the elections are different from the one he worked under before, where he was both the executive and the legislature – he knows that. He is smart enough. He is educated enough. He's experienced enough. Why shouldn't I support him?"

Obasanjo, apart from endorsing Buhari, equally warned President Jonathan against resorting to desperation in order to retain the presidency, saying that such desperate act may lead to coup.

"I sincerely hope that the President is not going for broke and saying 'look dammit, it's either I have it or nobody has it'. I hope that we will not have a coup. I hope we can avoid it," he said.

The presidential election holds on the 28th of March, 2015, after INEC had shifted it from February 14, 2015 due to security concerns expressed by the National Security Adviser, Col. Dasuki.

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........President Jonathan Behind Boko Haram Insurgency - Labaran Maku http://bit.ly/1zFRSaz

........Special Scoop: Jega To Proceed On Compulsory Retirement March 1, With Prof Mimiko Replacing Him As New INEC Chairman http://bit.ly/1KDj7pO

........Exclusive: Jega's Tenure Ends On March 24, 2015 By Operation Of Law http://bit.ly/1A85v4B

........Hot Breaking Gist: Exclusive: Nigerians should Be Ready, Elections Will Now Hold in June http://bit.ly/1vAogvP

........Election Shift Aftermath: Jonathan's Campaign Billboard Set Ablaze http://bit.ly/1zzK3mM


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Landmark: Apple Becomes First Company To Break $700 Billion Market Value

The United State Based Tech giant, Apple, has recorded another landmark by becoming only the first company in history to break through the market value of $700 billion.

Presently, Apple is worth $710 billion, this was as a result of her market Shares surging by over 1.9 percent to close at $122.02.

The U.S. tech giant recently posted record revenue of $74.6 billion (£49.2bn) for the three months to December 31, outstripping the quarterly GDP of Israel, Greece or Denmark.

Apple's cash pile is now $178 billion (£117bn), the equivalent to $556 for every American and bigger than the £95billion budget for Britain's National Health Service.

Mailonline.com reports that Its landmark performance was driven by record-breaking sales for its iPhone 6 and 6 plus, with the firm revealing it sold 34,000 handsets every hour for the entire quarter.

Apple chief executive Tim Cook, speaking at the Goldman Sachs Technology & Internet Conference, said Apple was hitting its stride.

'We've taken (the mobile operating system) iOS and extended it into your car, into your home, into your health. All of these are really critical parts of your life,' Cook said.

'We want one seamless kind of life.

'And so, I think that is huge for our future...We also did a lot of things to further our global footprint. And so, if you look at what we've done in China, we've opened more stores there.

'We've opened a lot more distribution there. Through the world, we've opened almost 20,000 new points of sale.

'We've opened 27 new Apple Stores, lot of flagship stores.'

Cook said Apple took some $50 billion in revenue in emerging markets over the past calendar year.

Brian White, analyst at Cantor Fitzgerald, said the leading tech company has even more room to grow.

'Given Apple's powerful iPhone cycle, a big 4G ramp in China and the upcoming launch of Apple Watch in April, we believe there is still plenty to look forward to at Apple during this transformational cycle,' he said in a note to clients.

'At the same time, we believe Apple's valuation has room to expand from depressed levels.'


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Primary Source: mailonline.com
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A 30 Minute Sleep Can Help Relieve Stress And Bolster The Immune System, Scientists Claim

Sleeping for 30-minutes has been scientifically revealed to help relieve stress and bolster the immune systems by restoring hormones and proteins to normal levels.

This was the outcome of a research carried out by scientists and published in the Endocrine Society's Journal of Clinical Endocrinology & Metabolism.

Scientists hope their findings will help shift workers and those suffering insomnia, by mitigating the damage caused by too few hours sleep.

Mailonline.com reports that sleep deprivation not only puts people at increased risk of suffering accidents, but they are also more likely to develop chronic diseases including obesity, diabetes, high blood pressure and depression.

Dr Brice Faraut, of the Université Paris Descartes-Sorbonne Paris Cité, said: 'Our data suggests a 30-minute nap can reverse the hormonal impact of a night of poor sleep.

'This is the first study that found napping could restore biomarkers of neuroendocrine and immune health to normal levels.

'Napping may offer a way to counter the damaging effects of sleep restriction by helping the immune and neuroendocrine systems to recover.

'The findings support the development of practical strategies for addressing chronically sleep-deprived populations, such as night and shift workers.'

The study examined the relationship between hormones and sleep in a group of 11 healthy men between 25 and 32.


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SOURCE: Mailonline
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Elections 2015: Five reasons Nigeria’s poll delay is fishy. BY Todd Moss

There was a whiff of something rotten in my kitchen on Saturday – and it wasn't the cooking. No, it was emanating from the press conference I was watching live on my smartphone, in which Nigeria's national electoral commissioner announced that polling, scheduled for February 14, was to be postponed by another six weeks.

So now, tens of millions of Nigerian voters will have to wait until March 28 to choose between an increasingly embattled incumbent President Goodluck Jonathan (Peoples Democratic Party) and his challenger Muhammadu Buhari (opposition All Progressives Congress). Governorship races (including my friend and former CGD visiting fellow Nuhu Ribadu running as the PDP candidate in Adamawa State) must now wait until April 11.

Karen Attiah in the Washington Post also noticed the smell. The official reason for the postponement is that the military needs six weeks to launch a new offensive against Boko Haram and cannot guarantee election safety at the same time. This is potentially plausible. But here are five reasons why I'm sceptical.

1. What's really going to change militarily in six weeks? There is close to zero chance that after years of losing ground, the Nigerian military can launch a successful counter insurgency in the next few weeks and defeat Boko Haram. Even with massive external assistance (which Nigeria had been avoiding rather than encouraging), this is highly unlikely. So, what happens in late March when Boko Haram is still a major threat?

2. Why the last-minute change? Any election in Nigeria is a security risk. The 2011 elections went pretty well and still some 800 people died. Even if the military is correct that all of their capacity is required in the North-East and thus can't be deployed to provide poll security in the rest of the country, this was also known many months ago. The timing, so close to a tight election, is certainly suspicious.

3. Those with the most to lose still want to move ahead. Buhari's base is the north and encompasses areas terrorised by Boko Haram. He would lose the most votes if turnout were suppressed by militant disruption (or fear of it). So, logically, it ought to be Buhari who is calling for a postponement to allow a counter offensive. Yet, the opposite is true: Buhari wants the elections to go ahead on time. He is now wisely calling for calm, but his position suggests something is amiss.

4. Imperfect elections are often better than none. Elections have been conducted under extremely difficult circumstances in lots of countries and still come off pretty well. A good analogy here may be Mali's decision to proceed with national elections in July 2013 despite widespread concerns about insecurity in the north. It wasn't perfect, but the election helped move the country forward.

5. Return of a politicised military? Nigeria has a long history of military coups (1966, 1975, 1983, 1985, 1993), an era everyone hoped ended with democratic elections in 1999. But are we confident the military's rationale for postponement was entirely security-related? Any suggestion that the Independent National Electoral Commission might have been pressured by military chiefs for political reasons is worrying.

The postponement matters to the tens of millions of Nigerians who were preparing to choose their leaders in a highly-competitive election. That process is now thrown into deep uncertainty, just at a time when citizen confidence in the election has plummeted.

It matters for the region too. As the continent's biggest country and largest economy, Nigeria is both the engine and the emblem of Africa's rise. Its leaders should be champions for inclusive democratic development not voting shenanigans and backroom dealing.

And it matters for the West: America's relations with Africa rely heavily on Nigeria's role as a crucial economic and security partner. This explains why the United States Secretary of State, John Kerry, flew to Lagos last month to urge a credible election and then why he issued an immediate statement expressing deep disappointment in the poll delay. The Kerry statement included a warning that "political interference… is unacceptable," hinting that the US government isn't quite convinced by the rationale for postponement either.

If the polls come off as planned on March 28 and April 11 and they go well enough, then this six-week delay will be forgotten. But if this is the beginning of a new period of political instability for Nigeria and an erosion in its democracy, then we will all come to regret the events of the past few days.

***Opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author, Todd Moss

_______________________________________________
Recommended Stories:

........President Jonathan Behind Boko Haram Insurgency - Labaran Maku http://bit.ly/1zFRSaz

........Special Scoop: Jega To Proceed On Compulsory Retirement March 1, With Prof Mimiko Replacing Him As New INEC Chairman http://bit.ly/1KDj7pO

........Exclusive: Jega's Tenure Ends On March 24, 2015 By Operation Of Law http://bit.ly/1A85v4B

........Hot Breaking Gist: Exclusive: Nigerians should Be Ready, Elections Will Now Hold in June http://bit.ly/1vAogvP

........Election Shift Aftermath: Jonathan's Campaign Billboard Set Ablaze http://bit.ly/1zzK3mM


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